Realigning Somali Transnational Community Responses Towards Tangible Transformations (Revised version of a talk given at Somali Diaspora Conference- “Harnessing the Power of the Somali Diaspora for a Better and Prosperous Somalia- 22-24 July 2024. Doha, Qatar)
- August 1, 2024
- By Admin: Osman
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Abdulkadir Osman Farah, PhD
Abstract
Despite deep ancestral connections, tension and antagonistic relationships exist between Somalis in the homeland (Qaran joog; Dal jireyaal) and Somalis in the diaspora (Qurbe joog; Dan jireyaal). The former struggles with challenging daily living conditions in a society searching for cohesive nationhood and statehood, while the latter, despite living in stable host societies, often experiences exclusion and subordination. The way these two groups respond to and accommodate each other’s aspirations, as well as those of the wider society, effects the course of the nation.
Historically, diaspora communities opposed colonialism and after independence contributed to nation and state building. Later, they became involved in clan and regional rebellions. As Somalis fled and scattered across the world within two generations, the community became transnational, adapting to a multiplicity of societies and states.
Two main transnational community groupings have since emerged. One group returned to the homeland to aid national recovery. Another group committed to strengthening the culture of struggling communities in host societies. From these dual, interconnected efforts, a vibrant and educated second/third generation has emerged both in the homeland and in host societies. This transnational young generation will need to contribute to the formation of a strong Somali nation and state. Equipped with opportunities of “digital relationships and identities,” the younger generations are less concerned with the limitations of “time and space.”
Building on the foundations of the decent and over millennia tested comprehensive Somali culture, the younger generations should first institutionally distinguish between public issues (collective matters) and private aspirations (individual goals). Secondly, together with the rest of the society, they must address existing public inequalities by reducing existing and potential sufferings, cruelties, and threats to the Somali society. They will have to collectively contribute to the advancement of public peace, public health, food security, public education, and other critical dimensions necessary for a society to function and move forward. Finally, they could also contribute to reallocating human resources and energy from the current societal divisiveness to the process of fostering collaboration, respect, solidarity, and trust among Somalis. In short, the younger generations could help create an “Ummad kala guran” – a society with clear developmental goals and a recognizable division of labor.
Introduction
Once, a qadi (judge), known for balancing justice among community members, unexpectedly traveled to other regions. During his absence, a man named Guuleed, and his wife Gaasira had typical marital quarrels. Dissatisfied, Guuleed told his wife, “Garta ina sanweynaa loo geysan jiray e, Gaasiraay innaga yayna kala guraaya” implying they needed a mediator for their disputes.
This anecdote highlights in the past Somalis valued the importance of mediation and fairness in even small family-related issues, underscoring the significance of nationhood, statehood, and “ummad kala guran” – a nation with collective socio-political structures to refer to in times of conflict. Unfortunately, people today seem unaware of or disregard the indispensability of collective national and state structures, especially in a world dominated by nation-states.
There is a need for the realignment of the collective objectives of “kala gurid” between Somali transnational communities in diverse host societies and the larger Somali national community struggling in the homeland. The capabilities of the Somali diaspora and their roles in society and the country are extensive. While researchers partially studied these matters, there is a need for a specific examination of the role of transnational communities in political and social development – areas that often guide the direction and aspirations of any modern nation and state.
Analytical points
First Point: Somali migration and diasporization did not begin in the 1980s or 1990s. The nature of migration and the people involved have changed over time. Obviously, the eruptions of recent major crises have led to the migration of women and children, who were not part of ancient Somali migrations. Researchers like Edward A. Alpers note that Somalis traveled by land and sea long before European nations considered engaging long voyages[i]. They engaged in expanded trading and various expeditions, contributing to diverse civilizations. In the current world, Somalis have established what researchers call “transnational communities” within 2-3 generations, surpassing the restricted status of “diaspora”. Somali transnational communities influence and connect with multiple countries, speaking and understanding over a hundred languages and cultures. If Somalis succeed in establishing a strong, unified nation with a functioning state, they could compete with reputed established transnational communities like the Turkish, the Indian, and the Chinese.
Second Point: Although Somalis in the diaspora and those in Somalia remain interconnected in in the fields of– politics, economy, social matters. Media portrayals often suggest a fierce competition and antagonistic relationship. Locals perceive the diaspora as culturally different and alien, especially those socialized in the West. Conversely, the diaspora views locals as inconsistent and unserious. For instance, an educated young man recently visiting Somalia remarked that the elders he met had “very low aspirations”- “himma” These youth, raised to be future-oriented and competitive, find it difficult to tolerate local small talk and divisive clan issues often elders prefer to focus. Conversely, locals sometimes see the diaspora as externally similar but internally reflecting the cultures of other societies, causing misunderstandings and disputes. A young Somali-Italian poet and writer Bashir M. Hersi, critically questioned the role of the Somali diaspora, inquiring: “Qurba jooggu waa kee? qaabkiisu see yahey? horta qolo ma leeyahey? iyo qaarad gooniya? ama ciidan qaaliya? iyo calan la qaabbilo? qarankiisa yaa garan?” (Who is the diaspora? what does it look like? does it have a specific group or continent? an army or a flag? who recognizes its nation?)[ii]. Likewise, the Somali-British poet and writer Muxiyidin Ciid in a poem from 2019 captures a bewildering encounter between Dahir (representing Somalis who stayed behind despite numerous challenges) and Dalmar (a young sophisticated member of the Somali transnational community who returned to the homeland to contribute): “Dalmaroow waxow timid, xilkaad doon is leedahay, ragbaa dhiig u daadshoo, adigoon dakanow galin, ama doolarkow hurin, in aad duud u ridataa, waa habeen dumoo tagay;— Daahirow i maqal iri…xilna dooni maayo ,aad dulaal u tahay adi, dagalkaan u jeedana, daqarada ka muuqdiyo, dib u dhaca diloodee, dunida uga maqan yihiin, dadkiisaaba kow ka ah, daliilkeedna waa adi, nin duq ah baad tahee, si xun deeqda how dayin, wax kuu daran aduunkiyo , aakhirada danbeetana, damac yuusan kaa galin”. (Oh Dalmar you returned, in search of a position you did not earn, positions men have shed blood for it, without you committing or spending dollars, occupying such position is like catching up a past time;— Oh Dahir, listen …I seek no position you brokered, the suffering I see around, the visible wounds, the widespread destructive setbacks, our absence of the world, all self-inflicted with you as the prove, You are an old man, don’t disseminate wrongful deeds, harmful to your current world and the hereafter)[iii].
Third Point: Despite potential differences, the locals and diaspora share commonalities, foremost being their shared history and heritage of Somali identity. In addition, Somalis, regardless of location, currently seek both a cohesive nation and a properly functioning state. The book “Somalis in Search of a State” by Samatar and Laitin recognized that Somalis have a nation but are in search of a state that can organize them within a nation-state dominated global order[iv]. Later, the book “Somalis in Search of Nationhood and Statehood” added the thesis that due to national and state fragmentation, Somalis are in search of both nationhood and statehood[v]. Renowned Somali poet Hadraawi once suggested that Somalis are in search of “wax kala gura” genuine leadership that provides them with better organization and justice.
Fourth Point: Understanding successive transformations is crucial in analyzing the dynamics of nations and societies. Historically, scholars saw development and transformations as sequential events. However, political sociologist Ibn Khaldun proposed the idea that transformation reflects not merely a series of successive events but also includes the articulated/acted upon responses from the effected people or nation. Particularly their immediate and long-term reactions to social and political changes[vi]. Such societal responses underpin critical transformations in political, social, economic, security, cultural, and other areas.
Fifth Point: The Somali transnational community has responded to recent transformations in numerous ways. During European colonial occupation, the diaspora opposed colonization and actively participated in the country’s liberation. After independence, the diaspora contributed to nation and state-building efforts. However, by witnessing the dysfunction of the Somali military regime, critical members opposed the regime, joining clan and regional rebellions that eventually led to the collapse of the Somali state. This marked the beginning of the trans-nationalization of the Somali diaspora. The community eventually divided into two main groups. One group addressed the aftermath of the country’s collapse through humanitarian activities, economic development, and educational efforts. Another group facilitated the challenging task of integrating of Somali refugees and migrants into host societies. Today’s educated youth, both local and diaspora, therefore, owe their upbringing and education to the tireless efforts of these early diaspora communities.
Sixth Point – Youth Responsibility: What the Somali nation expects from today’s youth differs from what the society expected from previous generations. In today’s interconnected world, the division of responsibilities between local and diaspora is obsolete. Public development requires continuous collaboration. The enlightened and educated Somali youth, both within the homeland and host societies, should create transnational networks and systems that distinguish “private troubles from public issues.” In the process of serious nation and state-building, personal matters should not overshadow important national issues such as security, productivity, health, employment, and governance. Similarly, the youth should promote “professional knowledge transfer,” linking local knowledge generation with the globally competitive knowledge and expertise acquired by Somali transnational communities. For example, countries like China and South Korea achieved considerable developmental progress through the integration and the capitalization of the human resources of their transnational communities[vii]. For instance, Somalia’s GDP was higher than South Korea’s in the early 1960s, but now South Korea is among the richest countries of the world, while Somalia is among the least developed[viii]. A critical difference was that Korean transnational communities, particularly those in the US, actively and collectively engaged in rebuilding their nation and state[ix].
Though limited, Somali youth, both local and diaspora, in some areas, professionally interconnect and work together. For instance, Dr. Ahmed Jibril, a researcher in Denmark, co-mobilized diaspora professional youth to establish a non-clan oriented professional health organization providing training across Somalia[x]. Somalia faces extreme “public inequalities” – in the form of unequal access to peace, health, education, and economic well-being. The youth must address these disparities and reallocate Somali resources to its right place. Currently, the elder generation’s energy and resources, so far, focuses on negotiating/navigating in clan and regional disputes. Despite such negative barriers, consciously and deliberately erected over the years, Somalis still largely trust and care for each other, as evidenced by their quick mobilization during recurring natural disasters such as droughts and floods. Educated and enlightened youth must therefore restore societal confidence and cooperation among Somalis, guiding the community to its rightful place.
Finally, while power, organization, politics, and economy remain crucial for the society, so is the harmony of attentive and caring minds and hearts among people. A veteran Somali Swede transnational journalist and author Hussein Abdulle Wadaad in his book “Laabta ka soco” (Navigate from the heart) emphasizes that strength, the rule of law, and order are all essential for the process of nation and state-building. However, as part of the global community, Somalis need to guide their social and political ambitions with wisdom and compassionate heart[xi].
Sometimes, earlier generations had higher aspirations as they worked harder, demonstrated integrity, remained courageous and were more internally collaborative with each other than the society is today. They believed in respectful order, consultation, and unity, teaching us beneficial socio-political frames such as “Rag tashaday cir waa tolaa, taako labadeede” (People who remain upright and continuously consult each other can weave and go beyond the sky). These classic Somali generations had strength and self-confidence, believing they could achieve whatever purposes they aim at- through dialogue, respect, and unity.
[i] Alpers, E. A. (2014) The Indian Ocean in world history. Oxford University Press, USA.
[ii] https://www.bashiirdiraac.com/maansada-qurbajoog/ (accessed 31 July 2024).
[iii] Muxyadiin Ciid (2019) Maanso, Dalkaan yaa u maqan- Dooddii Dalmar (Qurbo-joog) iyo Dahir (Qorrax-joog)-
[iv] Laitin David and Samatar Said (1987) Somalia: Nation in Search of a State. Avalon Publishing: University of Michigan
[v] Farah, Abdulkadir Osman (2016) Somalis. Adonis & Abbey Publishers Ltd.
[vi] Ibn Khaldun (1999) al-Muqaddimah. Beirut: Dar al-Kitab al-Lubnani.
[vii] Song, C and Tsunoda (2016) Diasporic return, homeland, hierarchy, and identity: Experiences of Korean diasporic returnees in South Korea. Kansai University, 91-116.
[viii] Easterly, W. (1998) Economic Policies, Economic Shocks and Economic Growth. In New Theories in Growth and Development. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK.
[ix] Lee, H. K. (2005) The Korean diaspora and its impact on Korea’s development. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal, 14(1-2):149-168.
[x] Fatuma Ali (2014) https://dagensmedicin.dk/sff-det-somaliske-sunheds-forbund-i-danmark/ . Accessed 31 July 2024.
[xi] Xuseen M. Cabdulle “Wadaad” (2021) Laabta ka soco – Dareen iyo Garasho.Katrineholm.